Journal of Contemporary Studies https://jcs.ndu.edu.pk/site <p>The <strong>Journal of Contemporary Studies</strong> is a flagship publication of the Faculty of Contemporary Studies (FCS) National Defence University, first published in 2012.</p> <p><strong>HEC HJRS Awarded Y Category | </strong><strong>Double Blind Peer-Review |</strong><strong>Open Archive &amp; Open Access.</strong><strong> </strong></p> <h1 class="page_title">Aims and Objectives</h1> <p>The Journal of Contemporary Studies is a flagship publication of the Faculty of Contemporary Studies (FCS) National Defence University that started publishing in 2012. It is a HEC recognised biannual Journal in Y category and the articles submitted for publication are subjected to double blind peer-review – one national and one international. The primary objective of the Journal is advancing critically-oriented academic and intellectual discourse on contemporary international issues. It is committed to providing its readers in academia and policy circles with in-depth scholarly analyses and diverse policy perspectives pertaining to prominent ongoing debates at the national and international level. It aspires to promote academic culture through original and high quality research by established as well emerging scholars and practitioners in the field.</p> <h1 class="page_title">Scope</h1> <p>The Journal of Contemporary Studies is an inter-disciplinary journal. Contributions are invited on a broad range of topics pertaining to the fields of international relations, strategic Studies, peace and conflict studies, government and public policy and human resource development. The journal welcomes new perspectives reflecting contemporary trends in afore mentioned fields.</p> <p><strong> </strong></p> Faculty of Contemporary Studies (FCS) National Defence University en-US Journal of Contemporary Studies 2227-3883 <p>License Terms</p> Book Reviews https://jcs.ndu.edu.pk/site/article/view/265 <p>1. Pakistan’s Pathway to the Bomb: Ambitions, Politics, and <br>Rivalries</p> <p>2. The Security Imperative: Pakistan’s Nuclear Deterrence <br>and Diplomacy&nbsp;</p> <p>3. The AI Wave in Defence Innovation: Assessing Military <br>Artificial Intelligence Strategies, Capabilities and Trajectories</p> <p>4. Original Sin: Power, Technology, and War in Outer Space&nbsp;</p> Rabia Akhtar Rubia Shoukat Mujeeb Jan Talpur Zamir Akram Copyright (c) 2024 Journal of Contemporary Studies https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 2024-02-28 2024-02-28 12 2 124 134 ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE AND ARMS CONTROL https://jcs.ndu.edu.pk/site/article/view/252 <p><em>The emergence of Artificial Intelligence has brought new challenges and opportunities for the global arms control regime. Integration of AI into military systems can complicate states’ security matrix, due to its speed and accuracy, with additional problems of distinguishability, integration, and accountability. AI can be a useful tool to enhance transparency in verification measures for an effective arms control treaty. Arms control for the regulation or limiting the use in military systems is as important as the use of AI for improving arms control regime. Integration of AI in arms control is not without its pitfalls but offers several new opportunities. Its use could help address some of the anxieties that prevent states from willingly engaging in an arms control agreements. These developments are important for the shortcomings in global arms control treaties, and also regional rivals like India and Pakistan. Integration of AI could provide incentive for the South Asian nuclear neighbors to maintain strategic stability in the region.</em></p> Warisha Rashid Adil Sultan Copyright (c) 2024 Journal of Contemporary Studies https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 2024-02-28 2024-02-28 12 2 1 14 THE CHINA PAKISTAN ECONOMIC CORRIDOR’S EXTENSION INTO CENTRAL ASIA: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES https://jcs.ndu.edu.pk/site/article/view/258 <p><em>There has been considerable scholarly and analytical debate on whether projects under Belt and Road can benefit states with a history of war and domestic upheaval. The same debate applies to regional connectivity projects such as the flagship China Pakistan Economic Corridor given its close geographical proximity to restive Afghanistan. This research article examines the potential of the $62 billion CPEC project extending into Central Asia and contributing to Afghanistan’s stability. Also analyzed are the challenges in 2022 such as a fragile security situation domestically after the US withdrawal in 2021, global economic deprivation due to the Russian war on Ukraine and several projects of the corridor still being a work in progress. The research design is a mixedmethod analytical approach.This article affirms that the aforementioned challenges must be overcome holistically, practically and through shrewd policy making before it can extend into the Central Asian states and Afghanistan.</em></p> Hamzah Rifaat Hussain Copyright (c) 2024 Journal of Contemporary Studies https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 2024-02-28 2024-02-28 12 2 15 34 CHINA’S BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE: THE CONCERNS AND RESPONSE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION https://jcs.ndu.edu.pk/site/article/view/259 <p><em>As the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) gains traction in transnational connectivity and infrastructure development, it meets increasing opposition from Western countries. Generally, It is viewed in the US-led Western world as an alternative form of globalization involving the leading role of China and increased participation of the Eastern powers. China’s engagement in the development of regional infrastructures under BRI and its economic and political ramifications have raised concerns in the West, including the European Union (EU). Economic concerns and prospective political ramifications connected with China’s grand initiative tend to shape the EU’s sceptical approach towards BRI. The EU is alarmed by the expansion of the BRI not only in Europe but also in other world regions. Despite regional connectivity being a common interest of the EU and China, the former’s sceptical approach towards BRI calls for an in-depth examination of the phenomenon. This paper explains the factors that account for the EU’s sceptical approach vis-à-vis the BRI and evaluates its response to the Chinese mega project.</em></p> Muhammad Riaz Shad Muhammad Tariq Niaz Copyright (c) 2024 Journal of Contemporary Studies https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 2024-02-28 2024-02-28 12 2 35 52 PAKISTAN'S PARADIGM SHIFT FROM TRADITIONAL TO NON-TRADITIONAL SECURITY: AN ANALYSIS https://jcs.ndu.edu.pk/site/article/view/260 <p><em>Since its inception, traditional security considerations have largely driven Pakistan’s national security orientation. Traditional security focuses on military aspects of national security, addressing the domain of direct strategy. Contextually, traditional imperatives such as the Indian factor, nuclear domain and conventional dimension have been the dominant themes of the country’s national security architecture. However, the emergence of the National Security Policy in 2022 can be termed a watershed moment in its national security history. The document entails a paradigm shift in its security orientation. That is to say, shift from state-centric security to human-centric security. It recognizes the contemporary imperatives such as economic security, climate security, cyber space security and human resource development as the state’s top most priorities. In this context, the paper examines Pakistan’s paradigm shift from traditional to non-traditional security as an aspired reality complemented by securitization theory and a human security approach to international security based on mixed methodology.</em></p> Sajjad Hussain Awan Copyright (c) 2024 Journal of Contemporary Studies https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 2024-02-28 2024-02-28 12 2 53 68 STRATEGIC CHESSBOARD: EXAMINING THE INTERPLAY OF SAUDI ARABIA, IRAN, INDIA, AND PAKISTAN AMIDST GLOBAL POWER SHIFTS https://jcs.ndu.edu.pk/site/article/view/261 <p><em>The rise of China has seemingly brought it on a collision course with the preeminent power, The United States of America. This has convinced various states, most notably India, Pakistan, Iran, and the Gulf countries, to re-orient their foreign policies. China’s investments through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), QUAD’s resurgence, Israel’s foray into the Arab countries, and persistent American support to enhance India’s stature at par with China, have pushed the Indian Ocean Region to be at the epicenter of all global rivalries. The presence of extra-regional forces in the Western Indian Ocean Region has ensured some semblance of stability in the region, but it is the complex, interdependent relationship between strategically co-located states of Saudi Arabia, Iran, India, and Pakistan under the shadow of China-USA competition that is the objective of this study.</em></p> Mubashar Hassan Shahid Copyright (c) 2024 Journal of Contemporary Studies https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 2024-02-28 2024-02-28 12 2 69 89 REVISITING THE NUCLEAR DEBATE IN SOUTH ASIAN SECURITY https://jcs.ndu.edu.pk/site/article/view/262 <p>Grand strategy and nuclear deterrence have been the most distinct strategies of the last century. The principal objective of a grand strategy for a major state is to achieve some grand strategic objectives, and for other states, it is to preserve their security in an <br>anarchic world. However, contrary to the central assumption of the nuclear deterrence theory, evidence shows that in certain situations, mere possession of nuclear weapons does not automatically translate into deterrence. The central argument of this article is based on the idea that deterrence strategy is neither a static concept nor should be taken as such. Nuclear deterrence. It is a dynamic concept in nature and its utilization depends on the <br>ingenuity of the Nuclear Weapon State (NWS). While citing a history of incidents, especially the Pulwama crisis in 2019 between India and Pakistan, this article explores how nuclear deterrence worked when the fear of a nuclear war was hanging in the region and how these states were able to use the nuclear deterrence strategy to their benefit. It also discusses whether there was a need for either side to operationalize nuclear deterrence through some <br>physical and tangible steps.</p> Asim Ahmed Mahroona Hussain Syed Copyright (c) 2024 Journal of Contemporary Studies https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 2024-02-28 2024-02-28 12 2 90 107 INDIA’S CYBER LANDSCAPE: AN ASSESSMENT OF INDIAN EFFORTS SINCE INDEPENDENCE https://jcs.ndu.edu.pk/site/article/view/264 <p><em>India, as the world's largest digitally connected democracy, recognizes the critical importance of cyberspace in the face of </em><br /><em>evolving technological dynamics. India realizes that self-sufficiency has to be enhanced for strengthening cyber resilience and reducing dependence on foreign technology. This research explores India's historical efforts, spanning from the post-independence era to contemporary times, aimed at fortifying its cyberspace. The study delves into domestic measures such as the New Electronics Policy (NEP), IT Act 2000, and the National Cyber Security Policy, complemented by the establishment of key entities like the National Informatics Centre, CERT-In, Defence Cyber Agency, and National Task Force. The analysis extends to bilateral and multilateral collaborations, elucidating India's position as a global IT industry leader. Secondary resources of data, along with the primary documents- including India's official policies- form the basis of this research, offering a comprehensive understanding of India's digital landscape.</em></p> <p> </p> Nageen Ashraf Copyright (c) 2024 Journal of Contemporary Studies https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 2024-02-28 2024-02-28 12 2 108 123 Documents https://jcs.ndu.edu.pk/site/article/view/266 <p>1. Operation Marg Bar Sarmachar, MOFA Press Release, January 18, 2024, Islamabad.&nbsp;</p> <p>2. List of Practical Cooperation Deliverables of the Third Belt <br>and Road Forum for International Cooperation (369 <br>concrete outcomes), Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the <br>People’s Republic of China, October 18, 2023.</p> <p>3. Application of the Convention on the Prevention and<br>Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip <br>(South Africa v. Israel), International Court of Justice, <br>Summary of the Order of&nbsp; January 26, 2024, The Hague,<br>Netherlands.&nbsp;</p> <p>4. The UAE Consensus Negotiations Outcome, COP28, December 2023, Dubai, United Arab Emirates</p> International Documents Copyright (c) 2024 Journal of Contemporary Studies https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 2024-02-28 2024-02-28 12 2 137 169